Yesterday morning, as if on cue, Politico Magazine published the kind of reasoned discussion of memorials and racism that I had called for the day before. While I agree with the titular premise–that we don’t need to “cancel” George Washington–I can’t help but think the main thrust of the argument is deeply flawed.
Isaac J. Bailey, a public policy professor at Davidson College, claims that the reason so many people resist the demystification of Washington and Jefferson is that they have failed to recognize slavery as an absolute evil. To make his case, he contrasts the way society treats dead slave holders with the way society treats anti-Semites, namely Louis Farrakhan and Wernher von Braun.
Both von Braun and Farrakhan promoted an ideology that killed six million people and has caused unquantifiable harm throughout history. Our conversation about whether to include them as historical figures of note begins from the premise that anti-Semitism is an unmatched evil. And, from there, we decide the roles these two men played in those prejudices and institutions are too great for us to acknowledge any good in their legacies.
We say Washington is rightly celebrated despite his prominent role in one of the world’s great evils—and any argument that his legacy should be re-evaluated is immediately dismissed….We say despite the good some say Farrakhan accomplished and the technological advancements von Braun helped make possible, Farrakhan and von Braun are evil men who should be revered by no one. We say that it would be immoral to use taxpayer dollars to honor them or to put statues of them in public spaces.
If we drill down into why, it’s this: Because Americans have never viewed race-based chattel slavery as an unequivocal evil.
The argument is hard to swallow, no matter how attractive the conclusions. The problem is one of false equivalency, not (as Bailey expects) because Washington and Jefferson’s accomplishments dwarf those of Farrakhan and von Braun (although they do) but because he is comparing those who committed these sins centuries ago to recent (and in one case living) perpetuators of anti-Semitism. The antiquity of Washington and Jefferson does not excuse their sins, but it does explain and contextualize them in a way that it cannot for Bailey’s two examples. If he wants to make his argument stick, Bailey would need to find more distant examples to consider.
Consider as a more appropriate choice Martin Luther, one of the founders of Protestant Christianity. He is arguably a figure whose historical contributions to Western civilization match or eclipse those of Washington and Jefferson. Never a slave owner, Luther has been rightly accused of the kind of “virulent anti-Semitism” that Bailey says Americans would never brook the way they do slavery:
“Set fire to their synagogues or schools,” Martin Luther recommended in On the Jews and Their Lies. Jewish houses should “be razed and destroyed,” and Jewish “prayer books and Talmudic writings, in which such idolatry, lies, cursing, and blasphemy are taught, [should] be taken from them.” In addition, “their rabbis [should] be forbidden to teach on pain of loss of life and limb.” Still, this wasn’t enough.
Luther also urged that “safe-conduct on the highways be abolished completely for the Jews,” and that “all cash and treasure of silver and gold be taken from them.” What Jews could do was to have “a flail, an ax, a hoe, a spade” put into their hands so “young, strong Jews and Jewesses” could “earn their bread in the sweat of their brow.”
If Louis Farrakhan ever said anything worse than that about Jews, he is to some degree indebted to the intellectual legacy of Luther as undoubtedly one of the great theologians of Western anti-Semitism. He vocally advocated for hating Jews in a way that Washington and Jefferson never did for slavery.
Yet Martin Luther is memorialized freely and openly in the United States and Europe, in the same uncomplicated way that Washington and Jefferson are and for presumably the same reason–“despite his prominent role in one of the world’s great evils.” Statues of him stand in Minnesota, Texas, Iowa, Kentucky, Michigan, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and even Washington D.C. One in Maryland is on public land and managed by the city of Baltimore. There are undoubtedly more statues than these, but they will suffice to prove the point. Clearly there is no distinction between the moral evaluation of anti-Semitism and racism/slavery the way that Bailey imagines. Americans will overlook anti-Semitism along with racism, whether because of ignorance or because of the magnitude of the accomplishments being memorialized.
The simple fact is a good historian could likely dig up as many anti-Semitic presidents as racist ones (and undoubtedly more than those who actually owned slaves). Americans continue to memorialize notorious anti-Semites closer to home (both in time and place) whose accomplishments are considerably less world-altering that were Luther’s. Henry Ford and Charles Lindbergh both spring readily to mind as having been evangelistic in their anti-Semitism and enjoying an entirely uncomfortable number of historical linkages to Nazi Germany and to Adolf Hitler personally. Both men have prominent statues in public places in the US.
There are more such offenders with prominent memorials besides these, but the occasional attention they are receiving now is still much less pronounced than the new ire directed at Washington and Jefferson. So Bailey’s final conclusions are welcome: “Washington and Jefferson, who did not die fighting explicitly for a white supremacist state but had a hand in creating one, are more complicated [that Confederates]. Their monuments shouldn’t be destroyed, but their myths must be.” His defense of that position, however, leaves a lot to be desired. Anti-Semites like Luther, Ford, and Lindbergh enjoy the same unexamined legacy that Washington and Jefferson do. They also enjoy some of the same benefit of an anti-Donatist approach to memorialization. Lindbergh is not primarily significant for his role in Hitler’s Germany; neither is Ford. Lutherans probably need to come to terms publicly with their namesake’s role in the history of anti-Semitism (if they haven’t already), but grappling with that legacy does not and should not require the toppling of Luther memorials. He did not, as Bailey would say, die fighting for the cause of anti-Semitism.
So now that it seems at least some people are ready “to pause the debate, deepen and re-center a discussion we’ve never really had,” let’s work a little harder to develop a still more sophisticated approach to public memorailzation before we undo the good work that’s been done and can still be done.